EXPLORING
THE PLACE OF FRIGHT
National
Geographic Adventure July/August, 2001
Story by David Roberts
On
his expeditions deep into the ancient sacred caverns of the
Belize jungle, pioneering cave archaeologist Jaime Awe probes
the nightmarish secrets of the Maya underworld.
It
was early March, the middle of Belize's dry season, yet our
faces streamed with sweat in the 95F degrees jungle humidity.
After a two-mile hike, we arrived at the cave. We strapped
on our helmets, cinched down our dry bags, flipped on our
headlamps, and started across the pool just inside the cavern's
hourglass-shaped mouth.
There
was just one problem: I have never learned to swim- and the
water here reached depths of 15 feet. Bound inside a puffy
life jacket, I tentatively worked my way into the water, then
flailed across and seized the shore on the other side. Tiny
fish nibbled my calves, and dark shapes flitted overhead;
vampire bats.
Discarding
the cumbersome life jacket, I stepped back into the now waist-deep
stream, following close behind Jaime Awe (AH-way), who is
Belize's foremost archaeologist and who knows these caves
better than anyone alive. Just behind us were photographer
Stephen Alvarez and his assistant, Alan Cressler-expert cavers
both. We shuffled forward until we came to what cavers call
"breakdown"- a talus pile of collapsed boulders, here half-submerged
in the wall-to-wall stream. I made my way over this chaos
gingerly: The grotto was filled with limestone fins and prongs
so sharp that a slip or fall might gash you to the bone.
Half
an hour in, ducking to sidle through an unlikely slot, then
stumbling shoulder deep against the current, I realized that,
alone, I would now have been completely lost. We came to a
boulder that looked like any of several dozen we had already
passed. I would have plunged on upstream, but Awe said, "No,
up here." He climbed the back of the boulder, stepped high
onto a jutting shelf, and scrambled up a steep slope into
the darkness. As we followed, the sound of the river faded
below. Gradually, the slope eased and the passage opened around
us. At last we reached a broad terrace where rimstone dams
sectioned off dry pools. The chamber lay 700 yards from the
entrance- not far, if you were walking along a sidewalk, but
a considerable journey inside a cave.
As
my headlight swept the space, I caught my breath. In 14 years
of exploring prehistoric Anasazi sites in the American Southwest,
hundreds of days of poking through canyons and across plateaus,
I have come upon exactly six intact or nearly intact ceramic
vessels. Now, all around me, ranging in size from a drinking
mug to a vase big enough to hold a small tree-everywhere I
looked- were pots, dozens of them.
As
I stood gaping at the extraordinary assortment of ancient
vessels, Alvarez wandered deeper into the cave. Soon it was
his turn to let out an involuntary curse of astonishment.
My
eyes followed the beam of his headlamp. In the middle of the
chamber lay an upright human skull, the eye sockets empty,
the jaw still grinning in its rictus of death. The top of
the forehead had a flattened, almost simian look about it.
Each of the four incisors in the upper jaw had been filed
into a tripartite fang.
On
our trek to Awe's field camp the previous day. I had discovered
that it's not just Awe's path-breaking theories or his unusual
realm of archeology that sets him apart from his more conventional
colleagues.
We
were no more than a hundred yards from the trailhead, and
already we were bathed in sweat. Cicadas drowned the forest
with their metallic whine. Suddenly, as we approached our
first ford of Roaring Creek, Awe flung his pack to the ground.
I glance over just as he launched in to a headlong sprint,
which culminated in a yawp-"I was born for this!"-and a belly
flop into the river.
The
plunge and the cry, I soon learned, were spontaneously concocted
by Awe one hangover stricken morning some five years ago.
They have since become an initiation rite for all new visitors
to the field camp of Awe's Belize Valley Archaeological Reconnaissance
Project (BVAR)-the official title of his pioneering investigations
deep in the Maya world, both above and below the ground. Warming
to the oddball ways of our leader (and seeing no real alternative),
Alvarez, Cressler and I dutifully followed Awe's lead: sprint,
yawp, plunge.
If
I was born for this, that birth happened just a few years
ago, when, in the inland jungle of Guatemala's Peten, I tagged
along with a Vanderbilt University team that was excavating
royal burials. As I hiked toward the site of Dos Pilas, I
passed by the mouth of a cave yawning in the gloom. "Just
last week," the archeologist at my side told me, "we found
a whole trove of pots in there."
In
that instant, I was seized with the insatiable itch of the
explorer. The cities of the prehistoric Maya-one of the greatest
and yet most enigmatic civilizations ever to emerge in the
Americas- have been probed and pondered for more than a century.
But the underworld, so important to the ancients, was only
now beginning to be rediscovered by modern investigators.
Here, I realized-in the cave systems that riddle the Central
American rain forest-lay the new frontier of Maya studies.
Scholars
trace the origins of the Maya back to more than 2,000 years
before the birth of Christ. By 1,000 BC, the Maya were raising
corn, making pottery, and living in small villages. Their
heyday came between AD 250 and 900, a span known to archaeologists
as the Classic period. During those centuries, the Maya realm
extended from Tabasco in present-day Mexico, throughout the
Yucatan Peninsula, south across Guatemala and Belize, and
into the western edges of Honduras and El Salvador. The peak
population has been estimated at eight to ten million. During
the Classic period, the Maya built the most magnificent cities
in pre-Columbian America, civic centers such as Tikal, Copan,
and Palenque. In Belize, their greatest towns were Caracol,
Lamanai, Altun Ha, and Xunantunich. Here, soaring temple-pyramids
bordered spacious plazas complete with ball courts. The whole
city, oriented to the four cardinal directions, imposed a
rigorous quadrilateral order upon the chaos of the lowland
jungle.
By
the Classic period, the Maya had invented an astonishingly
sophisticated calendar. They made astronomical observations
that revealed those of their Arab and Asian contemporaries.
And they perfected the most complex writing system ever developed
in the Americas, an immensely nuanced script of hieroglyphs
that are partly alphabetic, partly phonetic, and partly logographic.
In front of their temples, they erected stelae, stone slabs
as tall as 12 feet and carved with elaborate depictions of
rulers and gods and hieroglyphic texts.
Unable
to read the hieroglyphics, scholars had developed by the 1970's
an idealized concept of Maya civilization; a peaceful culture
of pyramid-building philosopher-priests who spent their days
contemplating the mysteries of time and the cosmos.
During
the past 20 years, though, the language of the Maya glyphs
has been almost completely deciphered, and the picture those
texts reveal utterly upends the conventional one. The carved
stelae erected before the temple-pyramids boast of the invincibility
of elite rulers, of the torture and sacrifice of enemy lords,
of great battles waged against other cities. In the words
of the distinguished Yale archeologist Michael Coe, "The Maya
were obsessed with war."
And
the underworld played a crucial role in the Maya conception
of the universe. Myths and epics that survived the Spanish
conquest of the Maya paint a vivid picture of this perilous,
nine-tiered place. Into the underworld the Hero Twins, (deities
in the age before human beings were created), descended to
face a series of ordeals that ultimately made the world safe
for humans--defeating such lords as Jaundice Master, Pus Master
and Skull Scepter, evading traps laid in Dark House, Razor
House, Jaguar House, and Bat House, which was full of "monstrous
beasts, their snouts like knives." Each night, the setting
sun was transformed into a jaguar god, which had to traverse
the underworld, with all its dangers, before being reborn
at dawn as the sun god. The dead dwelled there and had to
pass through the nine levels before their souls could escape
to heaven. The underworld was called Xibalba- The Place of
Fright.
The
Maya believed that caves were the portals to Xibalba. This
was borne out by finds of spectacular artifacts in the Yucatan
Peninsula at Loltun cave and Balankanche cave by early modern
archaeologists. Yet on the whole. Maya cave research was neglected
throughout the 20th century.
Enter
Jaime Awe. As a boy growing up in San Ignacio, a midsize village
in western Belize, he was well acquainted with things Maya.
The small, partly excavated site of Cahal Pech frowns the
town's main hill, and only six miles to the southwest loom
the austere, jungle-swathed ruins of Xunantunich. Awe's family
picnicked at Rio Frio, a huge two-mouthed cavern some 600
feet long, 100 feet wide, and 80 feet tall at its apex , through
which the cold river of that name flows. On other forays up
the streams south of San Ignacio, Awe discovered his own caves,
noticing the potsherds scattered just inside their entrances.
"When
I was nine," he says, " I used to go out looking for mounds
behind my parent's house. I'd collect potsherds, take them
home, and square them of with my knife. Then I'd glue them
together and make forts, put plastic toy soldiers on them,
and blow the whole thing up with fireworks. I was a demented
child!"
In
college, this childhood fascination (demented or not) was
rekindled by the teachings of an anthropology professor, whose
faith in Awe's instincts helped him land the post of assistant
commissioner in the government's Department of Archaeology.
Ultimately, he went to Trent University in Ontario to get
his BA and MA, then to the University of London for his doctorate,
becoming the first native Belizean to get a Ph.D. in archaeology.
In
the late 1970's, just become Awe left Belize for school, a
small cadre of die-hard cavers, mostly British and Canadian,
led by an obsessed geomorphologist named Tom Miller, began
to discover the country's caving potential. For these devotees,
pushing new underground passages was an end in itself; the
Maya artifacts they stumbled upon were of secondary interest.
Word of their finds, however, got back to archaeologists.
When Awe returned to Belize in the early 1990's, he decided
to fully explore the caves. What he found there overwhelmed
him.
A
shallow pool of calcite had cemented the skull to the floor
of the cave. Nearby lay a disembodied leg bone. "Flooding
over the centuries separated the bones," said Awe. "But this
is not a burial; there are no grave goods associated with
it."
As
I knelt to get a better look, Awe explained the flattened
forehead. "It's called a tabular oblique," he said. "His head
would have been bound with boards for the first year of his
life."
"Why?"
I asked.
"Beautification.
Same as the teeth."
During
the past five field season's Awe's teams have spent a total
of 15 months working, often for 12-hour days, in this cave
system, which is called Actun Tunichil Muknal- the Cave of
the Stone Sepulcher. He has examined virtually every artifact
and bone here. He knew exactly what we were looking at. "This
is a human sacrifice," he said.
"How
would he have been killed?" Cressler asked. "We can't tell
from the skull alone. Usually they sacrificed someone by holding
him down, spread-eagled, and cutting out the heart. Or by
decapitation. But he might also have been disemboweled while
still alive."
In
the ninth century, some terrible catastrophe struck the Maya
world. The people built no new major temples after AD 830;
the last date inscribed on the Maya calendar corresponded
to AD 889. By the first decade of the tenth century, Tikal,
Caracol, and other great cities were essentially abandoned.
Mayanist Robert Sharer, of the University of Pennsylvania,
has called the collapse "one of the most profound cultural
failures in human history." Most scholars believe that some
sort of environmental crisis-most likely drought and deforestation-
intersected with overpopulation and internecine warfare to
lay waste a mighty civilization.

Now,
as we pondered the grisly scene before us, Awe suggested a
connection to the collapse of the Maya. "I'm almost certain,"
he said, "that the man was sacrificed to Chac, the god of
rain. When this cave was being used for rituals, a severe
drought gripped the countryside. Years may have gone by without
a drop of rain. People were starving. This sacrifice would
have represented the people's ultimate petition to Chac, to
relent and restore them to the glory their forefathers had
known."
At
most Maya field schools, the local workers eat in separate
messes from the gringo researchers. This is not Jaime Awe's
style. That night, ten of us sat together around the campfire
and shared a single meal; a gargantuan chile with tortillas,
cooked by Awe himself.
The
camp is set in a spacious clearing under the forest canopy,
where workers have built four large wooden champas with thatched
roofs and open sides. One serves as the commissary, complete
with earthen stove. Low benches have been cobbled around the
campfire hollow. Despite the heat and the bugs, we lingered
around the campfire, drinking rum punch. At Awe's side sat
his field director and girlfriend, Carolyn Audet, a 23-year-old
anthropology student set to start grad school at Vanderbilt
in the fall. Athletic and assured, she had a smile that (to
paraphrase Marlowe) could burn the topless towers of Xunantunich.
Awe himself is 46, trim, and clearly in good shape. His round
face, crowned with black, curly hair, never showed a wrinkle
of skepticism or doubt.
The
couple met at Awe's summer field school in 1998-"and my life
hasn't been the same since," he told me on the hike in. She
was a volunteer on the project, an ambitious Princeton student
seeking field experience between her sophomore and junior
years. Now, while Awe dives through Tunichil Muknal and other
caves, Audet works on aboveground excavations at Lamanai and
Cahal Pech. Beside the campfire the two held hands like teenagers.
The
night was even buggier than the day. Audet spotted a sizable
scorpion that had crawled over to investigate the fire; Pete
Zubrzycki, a British Army veteran turned volunteer archaeologist,
promptly extinguished it with a boot heel. Cressler picked
up a roach the size of a mouse, which he tuned over curiously
in his hands, then released. On an errand to my tent, I caught
a steely point of light in my headlamp beam. It turned out
to be the eye of a hairy black tarantula loitering near the
tent door.
There
are good reasons why caves in the Maya world have until now
been so little studied. Most archaeologists lack the athleticism
and the nerve to venture into even easy caves, let alone carry
out intensive fieldwork within them. The dangers of caving
are manifold: falling on the jagged karst, getting lost in
labyrinthine passages, drowning in flooded caverns. And insidious
diseases lurk in the stygian depths. While working in a cave
two years ago, Audet contracted histoplasmosis, a kind of
fungal pneumonia caused by spores from bat feces. "You get
a terrible fever," she told me. "It feels like somebody's
squeezing your lungs." Histoplasmosis is treatable, though
the cure is almost as bad as the malady. Chagas' disease is
not. Awe laconically described its course to me. "You get
it from the assassin beetle, which lives in dry caves. When
it pricks you, it secretes an anesthetic fluid; you don't
know you're being bitten. It's a slow, debilitating illness
that attacks the heart. It's fatal. Some people think Charles
Darwin died of it."
Awe
calls himself a speleoarchaeologist, one of only four cave
specialists in the world of Maya studies. As such, he is a
man on a mission. As he told me, "Even the people who studied
caves like Balakanche in the 1960's spent only two or three
days in them. If I worked a surface site and wrote a report
after two or three days, my colleagues would laugh at me.
What I'm fighting for is cave archaeology as intensive as
surface archaeology. We can't wrap up Tunichil Muknal in a
week."
Yet
Awe's mission faces twin dilemmas. Belize's economy is fragile
at best; the average Belizean household takes in only $218
a month. Though the country exports sugar, timber, fruit,
fish--and drugs--tourism looms as its potential make-or-break
industry. So far the action centers on the Cayes, where divers
and sunbathers hang out. But the government, mindful of the
drawing power of archaeological sites such as Chichen Itza
in Mexico and Tikal in Guatemala, has launched a campaign
to promote its own Maya sites- with Jaime Awe in charge of
the archaeological niceties. At the same time as our visit
to the caves, Awe was supervising full-blown restorations
(explicitly to make the sites tourist-friendly) at Cahal Pech,
Caracol, Xunantunich, Lamanai, Altun Ha, and El Pilar. Yet
in a cave such as Tunichil Muknal, can archaeology and tourism
coexist? Even more troublesome is the threat posed by professional
looters- who, thanks to the work of pioneers such as Awe,
are getting wind of a whole new host of sites from which to
pilfer pre-Columbian treasures.
If
cave research is the new frontier of Maya studies, the great
question is just what did these gateways to Xibalba meant
to the ancients. Twenty years ago, most archaeologists had
a pat, simplistic explanation: The pots had been carried underground
to collect zuhuy ha, "virgin water"- water dripping from stalactites,
pure because it had never touched the ground-for use in ceremonies.
Because of the work of Awe and a handful of others, we know
now that caves served a far more complex and profound role
in the culture of the Classic period Maya.
One
of Awe's key hypotheses has to do with what he calls "sacred
geography." On Roaring Creek a couple of days after our arrival,
he demonstrated this notion with vivid specificity.
Less
than a half mile upstream from Tunichil Muknal, on the same
side of the valley, lies Actun Uayazba Kab--Handprint Cave.
As we scrambled up a slope toward it, we caught occasional
distant glimpses of its opening-twin apertures, gaping darkly
above a protruding horizontal shelf.
Despite
the proximity of Handprint and the Cave of the Stone Sepulcher,
they seem to have served utterly different functions. At the
mouth of Handprint, Awe's teams excavated a series of human
burials: not sacrifices, but orderly inhumations, complete
with grave goods. Within the grotto, artifacts dating from
the time of Christ all the way through AD 900 were found,
including a number of pots.
Two
of these, massive white ollas the size of small trash barrels,
rest on a ledge 50 feet above the cave mouth, atop an unrelentingly
overhanging wall. Invisible from the ground, they were discovered
by a climber on Awe's team who rappelled form the cliff above
the cave. Now Alvarez, Cressler, and I took turns performing
the same rappel. Twenty feet below the lip of the overhang,
as we twirled in space a good 30 feet out from the ledge,
we won our hard-earned view of these hidden vessels. To place
them in their precarious niche, the Maya must have used native
trees to build a 50-foot ladder arching from the ground over
the void.
The
most extraordinary discoveries in Handprint Cave, however,
were not artifacts but art. At the mouth, the ancient carved
foot-and-toe trails in the bedrock, as well as petroglyphs
of footprints, all five toes carefully delineated. They also
worked the corners of the protruding stone to etch three-dimensional
masks or faces, visages that look like grinning skulls. Awe
thinks these might be further representations of Chac, the
rain god. The piece de resistance of the cave lies in complete
darkness, inside a small chamber reached only by a tight crawl.
There on the wall stand four negative handprints, formed by
placing a palm against the stone, then spitting a macerated
paint forcefully against the surface leaving a spattered outline
of a spread-fingered hand. These were the first cave handprints
found in Belize.
As
Awe's headlamp beam played over these mute reminders of human
presence, he mused, "Is this the testimony of a visit to a
sacred place? Or the mark of having completed a rite of passage?"
For
all the richness of the artifacts in Tunichil Muknal (Awe's
teams have catalogued a mind-boggling total of 1,400 objects
in the cave), there is not a squiggle of paint or single etching
on its walls. A few hundred yards upstream, rock art seems
to be the main purpose of Handprint Cave.
Later
that day, Pete Zubrzycki led me along a faint trail directly
across the Roaring Creek Valley, slashing away the last few
months' underbrush with his machete as he walked. We waded
the stream, then soon came to another stream, then soon to
another cave, called Actun Nak Beh- the Cave at the End of
the Road. Relatively shallow, it had been looted before the
archaeologists discovered it. From the cave mouth, however,
a causeway-an arrow-straight "road," some seven feet wide,
elevated two feet by piling up innumerable stones-led into
the heart of the jungle.
It
was not until 1997 that Cameron Griffith, a member of Awe's
team, went off route on his hike to Tunichil Muknal and blundered
down this causeway to find a fairly major Classic Maya village
in the center of the valley. It was choked with vegetation
but sported lofty temple pyramids a plaza and at least one
ball court. Cahal Uitz Na (Place of the Mountain House) as
Awe named the site, lies at the triangular center of the three
surrounding caves.
The
village has yet to be fully excavated, but once more the looters
had gotten here first. After leading me on a tour of the site,
Zubrzycki parked me at its pivot point. Here the vandals had
gouged a deep hole in the center of the ruin. They had chosen
the spot because six stelae stood or lay nearby. These, the
looters had cast aside as of no value compared with the treasure
they hoped to find under the stones.
One
of the stelae lying among the weeds had a ghoulish face carved
on it: a half-circle hood for a head, two round holes for
eyes, a mouth down-turned in agony or fear. "Remember that
first view of Handprint?" Zubrzycki asked. Of course I did:
The cave entrance-its two holes, its horizontal shelf-looked
remarkably like the face on the stela. Today, thanks to the
encroaching jungle, none of the three caves can be seen from
Uitz Na. But during the Classic period, with the valley deforested,
all three would have been in plain sight. The carved stela
might well have stood upright facing the cave entrance it
mimicked and paid homage to.
Later
Awe put the whole complex in perspective. "Downstream, Roaring
Creek flows through a beautiful, broad valley," he said. "Only
here does the valley constrict to a mere 700 yards wide. The
ancient Maya often called a city 'the navel of the earth'.
I think Uitz Na was purposely located where it is because
of the caves-not the other way around. The caves were always
there. Uitz Na would have stood at the heart of the sacred
geography defined by these portals to Xibalba."
With
a little oversimplification, the importance of cave research
to understanding the Classic Maya can be summed up in a psychological
metaphor. The great cities, such as Tikal and Copan, with
their monumental art, their stelae boasting of might and conquest,
express the conscious, external Maya world. The caves represent
everything that is murky, haunted, internal, unconscious.
In these strange galleries, an air of secrecy, of the forbidden,
prevails. Jaime Awe and his few colleagues in the world of
speleoarchaeology have become the psychoanalyst of Maya thought.
Everywhere
we walked in Tunichil Muknal, we came across pots. (The count
of vessels inside the cave exceeds 200.) It took Awe's team
three field seasons to map every artifact exactly where it
lay, yet even now, in his fifth year in the cave, Awe kept
peering into crannies for artifacts he might have overlooked.
Traditional
archeologists would have removed virtually all the artifacts
they found in such a cave, for archival conservation. In the
case of Tunichil Muknal, this would have meant transporting
them to a storage chamber (nicknamed "the Vault") in the capital,
Belmopan, where the good would have been available to researchers
but not to the public. (Belize still lacks a national museum
of archeology.) Awe chose instead to leave almost everything
where he found it. "If I had removed the objects," he told
me, "the scars would have been horrendous. I would have never
wanted to go back. I couldn't have felt good about myself."
Of
course, Awe's decision to leave almost all of the artifacts
where they were found ratchets up the risks of opening the
caves to tourism-a process that was begun at Tunichil Muknal
three years ago. The day after we hiked up Roaring Creek,
in fact, a troop of 17 teenagers from Milton Academy in Massachusetts
worked their way through the cavern, swimming and wading through
the very pool that I'd flailed through a few days earlier.
Awe's solution to the tourism dilemma at the Cave of the Stone
Sepulcher is to admit only guides he has personally trained
in archaeology. Tourists are not allowed to touch anything;
in the main chamber they have to walk barefoot or in stocking
feet; and they are steered clear of the more vulnerable precincts.
"But
all it takes," I complained on evening around the fire, "is
someone trailing behind the group to slip an artifact into
his pocket, and it's gone forever. I think you ought to gate
the cave."
"Che
Chem Ha was gated," Awe said, "and it didn't stop the looters."
Actun
Che Chem Ha (Cave of the Poisonwood Water) was stumbled upon
one day in 1989, when William Moralez, the son of a farm owner
southwest of San Ignacio, followed his dog through the underbrush
as it chased a rodent. He came to a hole in the ground barely
a foot long by a foot wide, with a steady breeze blowing out
of it. Still chasing his dog, Moralez squeezed through the
aperture and made the discovery of a lifetime.
In
one archaeological respect, Latin American countries are way
ahead of the United States. If a farmer in Kentucky finds
Indian artifacts in a cave on his land, he can do whatever
he wants with the material, including selling it in a yard
sale. In Belize (as in other Central American countries),
pre-Columbian finds on private land are at the disposition
of the government. In the case of Che Chem Ha, the cave was
opened to the public, but only on tours guided by members
of the Moralez family. The cavern has transformed the family's
existence from subsistence farmers to managers of a low key
but internationally known resort, with a modest restaurant
and bungalows for overnight stays.
Unlike
Tunichil Muknal, Che Chem Ha is dry and easy to access. Along
the entrance passage, shelves some 20 feet above the floor
are crowded with giant ollas. No human remains were found
in the cave. In the farthest chamber, an arching cavern, a
ring of stones surrounds an uncarved but upright stela.
Awe
trained William Moralez to interpret the cave he had discovered,
and a padlocked iron gate was installed across the cave's
tiny entrance. But two years ago, Awe informed me, thieves
sneaked onto the Moralez property, smashed the padlock, and
made off with nine or ten polychrome vessels; big pots on
which designs had been painted in black on an orange slip-
the treasures of Che Chem Ha, in terms of the black market.
No one has yet caught the thieves.
With
his congenital optimism, Awe believes that the system he has
set up at Tunichil Muknal- a steady stream of tour groups
led by trained, trusted guides- is a better prophylactic against
looting than a locked gate. "If a potential looter sees a
gate," as he put it, "he'll think 'Wow, there must be some
good sh** in there.' The locals around Roaring Creek think
we must have taken all the good stuff out of Tunichil Muknal.
Otherwise why would we keep going in and out?"
As
we worked our way deeper into the cave system at Tunichil
Muknal, Awe's overarching theory, (that what we saw in the
cavern's main chamber represents a desperate effort by late
Classic Maya to appeal to Chac and other agricultural gods),
was steadily corroborated by the artifacts we encountered
in those deep corridors, (which are off-limits to tourists);
a stone bench, or "altar," bearing some eight or nine pots
left exactly where they must have been broken at the end of
some ceremony; a fragile filament of burnt pine torch lying
among potsherds. In Awe's view, the Maya plumbed deeper and
deeper into caves because their petitions to Chac in cave
entrances had failed to work any change.
Yet
it wasn't the logic of the place- its ritual clarity-but rather
it's sheer strangeness that struck me over and over the longer
we stayed underground. The most beautiful pots often lay in
the most hidden places. One sat upside down at the bottom
of a shaft only a small child could have slithered into, yet
from a different angle, it appeared at the end of another
horizontal shaft, as if in a display window. Another vessel
could be reached only by a twisting crawl, yet there it perched,
as bright orange as the day it had been painted, girdled by
an exquisite band of some 80-100 thumbnail impressions. Three
granite ax heads rested in obscure niches, their blades so
highly polished that it seems doubtful they were ever used
to chop trees. A huge metate- a grinding basin, also made
of granite- sat in another niche, one corner smashed, apparently
to retire it from worldly use.
Awe
showed us an inverted pot with three of it four tiny feet
intact. Within each foot was a handful of beads that would
have rattled when the pot was moved. Awe had found the fourth
foot a considerable distance from the others, surrounded by
no other cultural remains. "They did that just to mess with
the archaeologists," he said. Taken as a whole, this unrivaled
ceremonial chamber deep beneath the surface of the Earth seemed
to brim with some dark, somber purpose. But what exactly had
been going on here, not even Awe could confidently say.
We
climbed a slope and turned a corner. Awe pointed toward the
ground ahead. I momentarily stopped breathing; there in a
hollow as neatly formed as a small coffin, lay the collapsed
skeleton of an infant. "We can't tell the sex," said Awe.
"The child was between nine months and a year old. The skull
may have been smashed, or it could have simply imploded, since
infants' skulls are so soft."
Approaching
the spot, Alvarez groaned almost inaudibly and abruptly turned
away. Awe went on, "As late as 1680 the Spanish chronicles
record the sacrifice of infants in caves during times of extreme
tribulation. Children are by definition zuhuy -virginal, pure.
I can imagine them laying the child here alive to die. Its
cries would have been heard rising up to implore Chac."
At
the extreme upper end of the main chamber, we climbed a ladder
that solved 15 feet of vertical wall. (on the first modern
ascent, Awe had made a brave climb to reach the ledge above.)
Then we walked 30 yards down a passage that seemed to go nowhere.
All of a sudden Awe's headlamp shined on the tableau he had
brought us here to see.
I
had seen skeletons in the American Southwest, in Egypt, in
caves full of the disordered dead in Mali. I had seen skeletons
and mummies in museums and archives around the world. In a
refrigerated chamber in Austria, I had seen the exquisitely
preserved corpse of the Copper Age mummy called the Iceman,
found high in the Italian Alps in 1991. But no prehistoric
human remains that I had ever seen struck me with the force
of this single intact skeleton.
Known
in the dry taxonomy of Awe's report as Skeleton Number 13
(out of 14 sacrificial victims found in Tunichil Muknal),
this was a woman of about 20. She lay spread-eagled on her
back, her left leg bent out at an awkward angle, her right
arm thrown above her head, as if in salutation or protest.
Half imbedded in the floor of the ledge, detached by millimeters
from the palms and soles, lay the individual digits of her
fingers and toes. Her pelvis protruded upward like the twin
horns on a saddle.
No
flood here had dis-articulated these bones, but slow seepage
over the centuries had crusted the entire skeleton but for
the very top of the forehead with a fuzzy layer of brown calcite,
which added a jolt of the grotesque to the scene. Its full
horror, however, seemed focused in the skull, propped like
a head on a pillow. The eye-sockets were empty holes staring
at eternity. The jaw gaped open as if in a scream. The teeth
were furred with calcite.
For
the moment, none of us could speak a word. Perhaps the woman
had died in this very posture, as men held her down and a
priest cut out her heart. Perhaps that open mouth had indeed
frozen her dying cry, but just as likely the skull preserved
forever the transport of her sacrificial rapture.
Whatever
the reason for her death, it was in vain. The gods ignored
the people's petition. Something-most likely drought and famine-
drove the Maya from their homeland, and the countryside reverted
to jungle. Tunichil Muknal became a forgotten place, not to
be rediscovered for more than ten centuries, along with the
collective nightmare that was Xibalba.
ADVENTURE
GUIDE Belize Caving
Getting
there: Virtually all flights to Belize land at Belize city,
which is serviced by both American and Continental Airlines.
The best way to get around is to rent a car at the airport
-- preferably four-wheel drive, though the available vehicles
then to be decrepit and expensive (between $60 and $80 a day.)
Archaeological
Sites: The partially excavated ruins of Altun Ha and Xunantunich
are easily accessible to visitors. More difficult to reach
but every bit as powerful are the great sites of Caracol and
Lamanai. For local guides who lead tours of Tunichil Muknal
and other Maya caves, one of the best operators is Pacz Tours
(501.16.9159); a day trip runs about $115 per person. Package
tours in which cave visits form part of a Belize itinerary
are offered by Island Expeditions Co. (800-667-1630 www.islandexpeditions.com)
Lodging:
The base for Maya explorations is San Ignacio, and appealing
town in the country's western hills. We stayed at the Cahal
Pech Village ($55; 501-92.3740), which has modest rooms and
an attractive roofed terrace that catches the hilltop breezes.
The San Ignacio Resort Hotel ($125; 501.92.2134) is the fanciest
hotel in town. Eva's Restaurant (501.92.2267), downtown, is
the rendezvous spot for adventurers of all sorts; it's a good
place to check out the trip operators that advertise on its
walls and a pleasant venue for an afternoon beer. (Belikin,
the local brewery, makes a well-crafted European-style lager.)
Resources:
The best general introduction to the ancient Maya is Michael
Coe's The Maya (6th edition, Thames & Hudson, $19). The official
Web site of Jaime Awe's Belize Valley Archaeological Reconnaissance
Project (BVAR) is www.bvar.org.
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